. Thiers denounced it as the despot of labour, pretending to be its liberator. ",     . page 101 Why, that the demon of the Commune has changed them into Megæras and Hecates! To be burnt down has always been the inevitable fate of all buildings situated in the front of battle of all the regular armies of the world. degenerate into a war against the French people. page 77 Under all these circumstances Thiers himself could not have gone on with his comedy of conciliation, had it not, as he intended it to do, drawn forth shrieks of rage from the Rurals, whose ruminating mind did neither understand the play, nor its necessities of hypocrisy, tergiversation, and procrastination. . Walking down slowly and eyeing the ranks, the General stopped here and there, tapping a man on the shoulder or beckoning him out of the rear ranks. Mindful of the watch word of the International Working Men's Association: Proletarians of all countries, unite, we shall never forget that the workmen of all countries are our friends and the despots of all countries our enemies. The Revolution of 1848, abolishing the penalty of death for political crimes, had replaced it by deportation. And during this time they, who had maintained their encirclement of Paris for 131 days, were themselves encircled by the armed workers of Paris, who kept a sharp watch that no "Prussian" should overstep the narrow bounds of the corner ceded to the foreign conqueror.     What the French peasant really wants he commenced to show in 1849 and 1850, by opposing his maire ** to the Government's prefect, his schoolmaster to the Government's priest, and himself to the Government's gendarme.     In their stead, the real women of Paris showed again at the surface -- heroic, noble, and devoted, like the women of antiquity. Instead of this, the Party of Order was again allowed to try its strength at the ballot-box, on the 26th of March, the day of the election of the Commune.     working man[*] its Minister of Labour. . During the war itself, the Versailles police had to look after the Versailles army, while the gendarmes had to drag it on by exposing themselves at all posts of danger. . Quite the contrary.         On April 16 it ordered a statistical tabulation of factories which had been closed down by the manufacturers, and the working out of plans for the operation of these factories by the workers formerly employed in them, who were to be organized in co-operative societies, and also plans for the organization of these co-operatives in one great union. The civilization and justice of bourgeois order comes out in its lurid light whenever the slaves and drudges of that order rise against their masters.     While the European Governments thus testify, before Paris, to the international character of class rule, they cry down the International Working Men's Association -- the international counter-organization of labour against the cosmopolitan conspiracy of capital -- as the head fountain of all these disasters.     They knew perfectly well that the archbishop had been shot by the soldiers of Order. Then, when the slaughter of them all proved to be impossible, came the mass arrests, the shooting of victims arbitrarily selected from the prisoners' ranks, and the removal of the rest to great camps where they awaited trial by courts martial.     The division of labour amongst the members of that government looks awkward.     Charles Mills Prussia was, therefore, no belligerent. .     But what is still more wonderful is the correctness of much that nevertheless was done by the Commune, composed as it was of Blanquists and Proudhonists. "256, High Holborn, London, W.C. Its special measures could but betoken the tendency of a government of the people by the people. A few days before the Revolution of February, fretting at the long exile from place* and pelf to which Guizot had men who are thoroughly honest, sincere, intelligent, devoted, pure, and fanatical in the good sense of the word." Thiers denounced it as the despot of labour, pretending to be its liberator.     The Paris people In sight of the impending municipal elections of the 30th April, Thiers enacted one of his great conciliation scenes on the 27th April. The real murderer of Archbishop Darboy is Thiers. * Private rooms. The self-sacrificing heroism with which the population of Paris -- men, women, and children -- fought for eight days after the entrance of the Versaillese, reflects as much the grandeur of their cause, as the infernal deeds of the soldiery reflect the innate spirit of that civilization of which they are the mercenary vindicators. In a rough sketch of national organization which the Commune had no time to develop, it states clearly that the Commune was to be the political form of even the smallest country hamlet, and that in the rural districts the standing army was to be replaced by a national militia, with an extremely short term of service. Do the Teuton patriots really believe that liberty and peace* will be guaranteed to Germany by forcing France into the arms of Russia? The State power, apparently soaring high above society, was at the same time itself the greatest scandal of that society and the very hotbed of all its corruptions. Dufaure, this old Orleanist . On the western front they advanced gradually, capturing the numerous villages and buildings which extended up to the city wall, until they reached the main defences; on the 21st, thanks to treachery and the carelessness of the National Guards stationed there, they succeeded in forcing their way into the city.     page 21 On the arrival at Frankfort of this exquisite pair of plenipotentiaries, bully Bismarck at once met them with the im perious alternative: Either the restoration of the Empire, or the unconditional acceptance of my own peace terms!         Then the long-expected moment of decisive action had at last come for Bismarck. Thiers opened his second campaign against Paris in the beginning of April.     And then he quotes the passage from Tacitus: No longer was Paris the rendezvous of British landlords, Irish absentees, American ex-slaveholders and shoddy men, Russian ex-serfowners, and Wallachian boyards. * In the German editions of 1871 and 1891, there is an insertion after "gérant responsable ": "whose task it was to serve prison sentences." It was evident from Richard Fischer's letter to Engels on Match 17, 1891, that Engels disapproved of this arbitrary change. London, on the twentieth anniversary  Instead of keeping their word, they let loose on Paris the Bretons of Trochu, who now replaced the Corsicans of Bonaparte. -- to Paris, that it was doomed; and to his Bonapartist banditti, that they had State licence to wreak vengeance upon Paris to their hearts' content.     Under all these circumstances Thiers himself could not have gone on with his comedy of conciliation, had it not, as he intended it to do, drawn forth shrieks of rage from the Rurals, whose ruminating mind did neither understand the play, nor its necessities of hypocrisy, tergiversation, and procrastination. The Paris working men's Revolution of the 4th of September wvas the only legal title of the National Assembly seated at Bordeaux, and of its Executive. Thiers acted upon the precedent of Cavaignac. The antagonism of the Commune against the State power has been mistaken for an exaggerated form of the ancient struggle against over-centralization. page 106 Paris could resist only because, in consequence of the siege, it had got rid of the army, and replaced it by a National Guard, the bulk of which consisted of working men. * Blanchet. In a rough sketch of national organization which the Commune had no time to develop, it states clearly that the Commune was to be the political form of even the smallest country hamlet, and that in the rural districts the standing army was to be replaced by a national militia, with an extremely short term of service.